New Delhi, Aug 24 (IANS) Previous month marked the first anniversary of Bangladesh’s ‘July Uprising’, a mass movement spearheaded by Anti-Discrimination Student Movement (SAD) that brought down Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year rule. Though it initially emerged as a protest against the controversial job quota system, it quickly grew into a nationwide revolt reflecting deeper anger at a political order mired in violence, censorship, corruption, and extortion—factors that had smothered the country’s democracy.
For many, the ousted prime minister and her Awami League came to symbolise these excesses, to the point that her regime is now widely described as “fascist”.
Supporters of the uprising, particularly SAD, hailed it as Bangladesh’s “second liberation”, envisioning sweeping reforms across political, social, and economic spheres.
To realise these aspirations, an interim government was set up on August 8, 2024, with Prof. Muhammad Yunus — invited by the student leaders—at its helm. A full year has now passed since that transition.
Global anti-corruption organisation Transparency International in its Bangladesh’s latest report, however, highlights that little has changed in the past one year.
Notwithstanding the many initiatives of reforms, “noticeable gaps in firmness and strategic planning in administrative governance” lie as challenges to the path to achievement.
The obstacles have been noted as political violence, mob culture, institutional politicisation, religious extremism, minority suppression, political violence and extortion which remain unchanged even after a year of fall of authoritarian regime.
Moreover, the executive director noted the rise of a ‘King’s party’ after the Uprising, the presence of internal obstruction to institutional reform, while persistent political practices continues to undermine reforms.
Indeed, the fall of an authoritarian regime witnessed a widespread rise of this notoriety. Many earlier optimists have now lost hope, while the path to democratic transition remains like a distant dream.
No one political party can be blamed for political extortion in Bangladesh. On one hand, the country has witnessed popular uprisings that contributed to the country’s civilian government.
On the other, the two major political parties that took turns to governance have had a history of corruption and extortion to hold onto power, leaning to borderline authoritarianism.
Bangladesh’s political culture, as a result, has always been marred with violence and now stand the main reason behind the growing hindrances to the July aspirations. Bangladesh under the interim government has been witnessing a surge in political extortion, besides political violence.
Factionalism, not just among political parties, but also internal factionalism within, have been skyrocketing.
One can argue that with the main player (Awami League) gone (banned), the wrestling ring has now new players (NCP), besides old (BNP and Jamaat) to fight their way to political power.
The difference in extortion cases from pre-August 2024 is that the interim government that holds the administrative power is not involved in political extortion (at least, officially).
In earlier cases, the political party that ruled the government, and its allies used to be the main culprit.
Extortion has now become an everyday affair, right in the capital. Criminals, old and new, seem to be on the loose, extorting people and business. The political vacuum and lawlessness provided great impetus for the surge in extortion.
Last year, Dhaka witnessed extortion cases within law enforcement forces itself, as threat of implicating in murder cases (in July Uprising) loomed large.
At the turn of this year, the TIB reported a surge in highway extortion, threatening commuters and transport workers and industries and business dependent on it. Extortion has also impacted Bangladesh’s economy aggravating an already hiked inflation.
As per Dhaka Metropolitan Police, the first six months of 2025 reported a monthly average of 70 cases of extortion.
Last end of month, a list of 123 extortionists in Rajshahi caused a political stir as it included names of leaders, activists and cadres of political parties — 44 linked to BNP, 25 to (fallen) Awami League and six to Jamaat.
The Mitford murder case last month of a scrap metal trader that sent shockwaves across the nation was also related to alleged extortion by Jubo Dal members of the BNP.
This gruesome incident not only revealed Bangladesh’s deplorable lawlessness since the past year, but also deep-rooted political nature of this practice. Instead of addressing the problem, the shameful politicisation of this murder further exposed the blind sidedness of political parties as they waged a narrative war against each other.
The latest arrest of SAD leader in Gulshan extortion case hit the final nail in the coffin.
It is evident that that extortion is a deeply political problem in Bangladesh, that even an organisation that earned a name for fighting against it felt gullible of the same.
As Umama Fatema, former SAD spokesperson, aptly observed, the July Uprising has been reduced to a “money-making machine”.
Political parties have resorted to extortion, while the interim government’s apathy and denial have further disillusioned those who had hoped for genuine reform.
Rather than addressing gaps in law enforcement, the administration launched sweeping crackdowns against Awami League supporters and sympathisers—most notably during February’s “Operation Hunt”.
Without transforming Bangladesh’s entrenched political culture, meaningful reform remains impossible.
The interim government’s indifference, in turn, explains why the politics of extortion continues to act as a corrosive force, steadily eroding the country’s democracy.
–IANS
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